Did a study really find there aren’t racial disparities in police shootings? Not so fast.
http://www.vox.com/2016/7/11/12148452/police-shootings-racism-study
In spite of Vox being a heavily slanted opinion site, I'm not a big fan of reflexively tossing aside a story because of its source, instead I prefer to address the flaws in its contents. I read the Vox criticism of the Fryer and found it to be pretty heavy on speculation and light on facts. I'll highlight a few of them:
1) Vox's Lopez is dismissive of Fryer in part because it "only" examined what happened after an officer decided to stop someone. Lopez laments "That excludes a key driver of racial biases in policing: that police are more likely to stop black people in the first place, producing far more situations in which someone is likely to be shot." Huh? There has to be interaction between the police and a possible suspect before anyone gets shot. How does "more situations" call Fryer's findings into question?
2) Lopez says that the sample size was "limited", but doesn't provide any proof as to the sample size not being statistically meaningful. He also avoids says that the study included looking at over 1,300 shootings over 15 years, which I think most people would find to be plenty of data points. The data also covered 4% of the entire national population.
3) Lopez feels the Fryer study is flawed because it only included data that city police departments gave up willingly and didn't include cities with past histories of policing issues. While I'm sure that Lopez would have preferred that Ferguson, MO's data would have been used, the claim made by groups such as BLM is that deadly policing disparities are
systemic to our country. That's why they've been protesting not just in Minnesota and Louisiana, but all over. Prof. Fryer also doesn't have the power of subpoena, so what's he supposed to do? He's left with the data that's available to him. If these problems are truly systemic, then which large cities you pick shouldn't really matter much.
4) Lopez states that the police report data used by Fryer cannot be trusted because we know that police lie. Without a doubt this happens, and it's an easy argument to claim, but given the large volume of data in the sets used by Fryer, you'd have to assume that the lying was pervasive and primarily involved suspects of one race.
5) Lopez minimizes the results of the Fryer study because it flies in the face of other findings. He says, for example "It’s unclear why the study didn’t look at (FBI data regarding police shootings)" that shows a racial disparity. Well, if you actually read what Fryer was trying to do with the study, it's pretty obvious why Fryer didn't use the FBI data. Two reasons jump out: Fryer was looking for data sets that contained reports encompassing all types of force that was used (not just shootings). Secondly, the FBI data doesn't contain the type of control context that Fryer was looking for. Give the lack of context, it's not too surprising that the FBI data implies something else.
6) Lopez embraces Fryer's findings of racial bias in the use of less-than-lethal force, but poo-poo's it when it comes the use of lethal force. He seems to want to have it both ways.
To me, the addition on context in Fryer's study is key. Instead of pouring all of the incidents into one large pot and effectively treating each incident or death as interchangeable, Fryer takes a much better look at things by asking a very important question: "OK, given the same basic set of factors when the police decide to stop someone, what are the likelihoods that force will be used against a possible subject and is there evidence of racial disparities when such force was then used?"