DisDuck said:T_M... You keep asking for solutions from us keyboard jockeys. Well, this Libertarian keyboard jockey offered one back on page 5 or 6 yet you have not responded to it as to its merits. In fact you act as if it was never presented.
Now on yesterday's Meet The Press, Sen. Feingold proposes almost the exact same solution as mine. Great minds think alike. He says set 12/31/2006 as a deadline for troop withdrawal attaching milestones to it just as been stated by Bush, ie. Constitution, Elections, etc. Feingold stated that this was done in the past, ie. turnover of soverignty, etc. so why not do it again. To him this would result in an incentive for the Iraqi's to get their act together since at a definite point in the future US troops will no longer be there to prop them up. Moderator asked what won't that give insurgents reason to lay low until we leave. Feingold answered will if that happens then there will be some peace and quiet to get the job of training and reconstruction done as originally planned by Bush. A win situation for US.. no more attacks on troops and Iraq gets reconstructed. Another question to Feingold was what happens if Iraq does not meant its mark by 12/31/2006? The senator's response was if we need another month or two (something short-term and finite) then just like last weeks deadline got postponed 1 week he could see the need for similar flexibility on the withdrawal deadline.
Now back to Bush what is his response to all calls for setting a time-table of ANY LENGTH. Just STAY THE COURSE. In plain english let the insurgents, the majority of which are Iraqi Sunni's as admitted by US military, continue to kill our troops and innocent Iraqi civilians.
You now have my solution, Senator Feingold's solution and Bush's solution. Which would you choose and why or do you have your own?
I posted this several months ago. I think it is worth repeating:
the United States needs a new National Security Strategy whose implementation will reverberate across the individual-national-international security spectrum through reliance on preventing rather than employing violent conflict. The strategy would rely on the following five pillars (and perhaps more):
(1) strengthening international law and institutions, such as the UN, the International Criminal Court, and regional organizations engaged in preventing or peacefully settling disputes. This above all means abandoning the policy of preventive war and replacing it with conflict prevention;
(2) developing, funding and staffing a stand-by corps of conflict resolution and mitigation experts and an international police training force that can be employed under UN auspices in emerging crises, post-conflict rebuilding, non-judicial reconciliation and justice programs, and peacekeeping/peace monitoring activities;
(3) promoting and negotiating transparent, verifiable regional arms control and disarmament agreements involving chemical and biological weapons, small arms and light weapons; developing restrictive national and enforceable international arms export controls; implementing the provisions of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty beyond the provisions of last years Moscow Treaty on reducing nuclear arsenals, and ratifying the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty;
(4) supporting further development of international humanitarian law and human rights, particularly in times of conflict; ending overt and covert military backing of authoritarian, oppressive regimes; and creating and implementing through relevant multinational organizations context-sensitive experiments in education that address the formation of civic society, transparency and accountability of government, and human rights awareness; and
(5) providing funding and other development assistance that will alleviate and even eradicate root causes of violent conflict by meeting fundamental human needs water, food, health care, education; and encouraging environmental stewardship and sustainability (including reducing U.S. dependence on oil).
http://www.fcnl.org/issues/item.php...=42&issue_id=45


