DIS Shareholders and Stock Info ONLY

https://www.wsj.com/articles/disney...creative-executives-11669928586?siteid=yhoof2

Disney Proposal to Restructure, on McKinsey’s Advice, Triggered Uproar From Creative Executives
Tension boiled over plans to take control of marketing, other decisions away from content chiefs

By Robbie Whelan, Joe Flint and Jessica Toonkel

Dec. 1, 2022 4:03 pm ET


Walt Disney Company was working with consulting firm McKinsey & Co. in recent months on an effort to centralize control of major spending decisions, triggering an uproar from top creative executives at the entertainment giant, according to people familiar with the matter.

Discussions regarding the plan were under way in the weeks leading up to Nov. 20, when Disney’s board of directors fired Bob Chapek as chief executive and replaced him with his predecessor, Robert Iger.
 
"Throughout his career, Mr. Chapek has used and praised a management framework that emphasizes accountability and a structure for corporate responsibility. The method, called ARCI, is often taught in business schools. Under the philosophy, there should be no ambiguity about who is responsible for the success or failure of an effort.

Under the ARCI framework, each time a company makes a big change, it must identify personnel who are accountable for the decision, responsible for its success or failure, consulted for feedback and informed of its impact.

“Who’s got the ‘A’ on this project?” Mr. Chapek would often ask in meetings, according to people familiar with the matter—meaning, who is accountable for it?

Some executives found the approach irritating because they felt it invited other managers to get involved with decisions that ordinarily would be made by a single segment head, people familiar with the matter said."
 
"Throughout his career, Mr. Chapek has used and praised a management framework that emphasizes accountability and a structure for corporate responsibility. The method, called ARCI, is often taught in business schools. Under the philosophy, there should be no ambiguity about who is responsible for the success or failure of an effort.

Under the ARCI framework, each time a company makes a big change, it must identify personnel who are accountable for the decision, responsible for its success or failure, consulted for feedback and informed of its impact.

“Who’s got the ‘A’ on this project?” Mr. Chapek would often ask in meetings, according to people familiar with the matter—meaning, who is accountable for it?

Some executives found the approach irritating because they felt it invited other managers to get involved with decisions that ordinarily would be made by a single segment head, people familiar with the matter said."

Well, they certainly did hold someone accountable for success or failure - his name is Bob Chapek!

Seriously, that doesn't surprise me and it doesn't surprise me that McKinsey Consulting was involved in decisions that made everyone angry - that's what it says on their letterhead!
 


https://www.wsj.com/articles/disney...creative-executives-11669928586?siteid=yhoof2

Disney Proposal to Restructure, on McKinsey’s Advice, Triggered Uproar From Creative Executives
Tension boiled over plans to take control of marketing, other decisions away from content chiefs

By Robbie Whelan, Joe Flint and Jessica Toonkel

Dec. 1, 2022 4:03 pm ET


Walt Disney Company was working with consulting firm McKinsey & Co. in recent months on an effort to centralize control of major spending decisions, triggering an uproar from top creative executives at the entertainment giant, according to people familiar with the matter.

Discussions regarding the plan were under way in the weeks leading up to Nov. 20, when Disney’s board of directors fired Bob Chapek as chief executive and replaced him with his predecessor, Robert Iger.
Shocking that there were consultants involved...not.
 
https://www.ft.com/content/64162abf-e0bd-4a6f-968a-cb4872e5c4f5


Florida prepares U-turn on Disney’s ‘Don’t Say Gay’ punishment
Christopher Grimes in Orlando, Florida
12/1/22

Florida lawmakers are working on plans to reverse a move that would strip Disney of its right to operate a private government around its theme parks, potentially resolving the fallout from the “Don’t Say Gay” controversy that dragged the entertainment giant into the culture wars.

In April, the Florida legislature voted to dissolve Disney’s 55-year-old special tax district following a public feud between Ron DeSantis, the state’s governor, and then-chief executive Bob Chapek over a new state law restricting discussion of LGBTQ issues in classrooms. The set-up allows Disney to tax itself to cover the costs of providing water, power, roads and fire services in the area, known as the Reedy Creek Improvement District.

The special district is seen as essential for the theme park operator to maintain high standards for visitors. However, state lawmakers are working on a compromise that would allow Disney to keep the arrangement largely in place with a few modifications. Some believe the return of Bob Iger as CEO last month will help pave they way for a resolution, according to people briefed on the plan.

Randy Fine, the Republican lawmaker who drafted the law to end Disney’s control over the 25,000-acre Reedy Creek property, said that Chapek’s removal from executive office last week improved the chances that “something will get sorted out” over the district. “It’s easier to shift policy when you don’t have to defend the old policy,” Fine said. “Chapek screwed up, but Bob Iger doesn’t have to own that screw-up.”

Since returning to Disney, Iger has steered clear of criticising Florida for a bill that he had warned would “put vulnerable, young LGBTQ people in jeopardy” when it was introduced in February. Iger’s full-throated opposition to the legislation, dubbed “Don’t Say Gay” by critics, put pressure on Disney to reverse course this spring and come out against the bill after initially refusing to take a stand. The vacillation helped fuel a sense Chapek was struggling to make big calls as CEO. At a town hall meeting with employees on Monday, Iger said he was “sorry to see us get dragged into [the] battle” over Reedy Creek and needed time to “get up to speed” on the issue.

“What I can say [is] the state of Florida has been important to us for a long time and we have been very important to the state of Florida,” Iger said. “That is something I’m extremely mindful of and will articulate if I get the chance.” Iger struck the right tone for reaching a compromise, said an influential figure in Florida state politics. “That was a good olive brand message to Disney employees and the state of Florida,” he said. “It was a diplomatic kind of message.”

Meanwhile, tax officials and lawmakers have warned dissolving Disney’s private government threatens to shift an enormous financial burden to taxpayers and potentially transfer a $1bn debt load to the state. The Reedy Creek legislation was drafted hastily this spring, just as DeSantis began making national headlines for his war on “woke” Disney — an unprecedented attack from a Florida governor on the state’s largest employer. Disney’s economic clout, along with a team of 38 lobbyists, has allowed it to largely get its way in Florida for more than half a century.

Chapek sparked DeSantis’ ire for opposing the education law, which had outraged Disney’s LGBTQ employees at its Florida parks and throughout the company. He also halted Disney’s political contributions in Florida and delayed a plan to relocate thousands of employees to the state. But circumstances in Florida — and inside Disney — have changed since then. Chapek was fired by the Disney board last week and Iger, who ran the company for 15 years and is a known quantity in Florida, is back in the job.

DeSantis handily won re-election as Florida governor in November, catapulting him into frontrunner status for the 2024 Republican presidential nomination. The law passed this spring “is a tax increase,” said Linda Stewart, a Democratic state senator who represents part of Orlando, where Disney World is based. “I don’t think [DeSantis] understood how badly this could go for the state of Florida and the counties and the cities.” She said a potential compromise under discussion would bar Disney from building a nuclear power plant or an airport on the property, rights granted to the company by Florida in 1967 that it is unlikely to use.

More significantly for DeSantis, there is also discussion of allowing the governor to appoint two members to the Reedy Creek board. “These compromises can be done with the least amount of impact,” Stewart said. “We can’t let the governor look like he lost.” The law removing Disney’s special status does not go into effect until next summer, giving the various parties time to negotiate.

A draft compromise bill is already being drawn up by a Republican senator, lawmakers say. “It seems like Disney and the legislature have motivation to make a deal. Nobody wants a train wreck,” said a source involved in Florida politics who asked not to be named. Disney declined to comment.

A spokesperson for DeSantis and Reedy Creek did not respond to a request for comment.
 


https://www.ft.com/content/64162abf-e0bd-4a6f-968a-cb4872e5c4f5


Florida prepares U-turn on Disney’s ‘Don’t Say Gay’ punishment
Christopher Grimes in Orlando, Florida
12/1/22

Florida lawmakers are working on plans to reverse a move that would strip Disney of its right to operate a private government around its theme parks, potentially resolving the fallout from the “Don’t Say Gay” controversy that dragged the entertainment giant into the culture wars.

In April, the Florida legislature voted to dissolve Disney’s 55-year-old special tax district following a public feud between Ron DeSantis, the state’s governor, and then-chief executive Bob Chapek over a new state law restricting discussion of LGBTQ issues in classrooms. The set-up allows Disney to tax itself to cover the costs of providing water, power, roads and fire services in the area, known as the Reedy Creek Improvement District.

The special district is seen as essential for the theme park operator to maintain high standards for visitors. However, state lawmakers are working on a compromise that would allow Disney to keep the arrangement largely in place with a few modifications. Some believe the return of Bob Iger as CEO last month will help pave they way for a resolution, according to people briefed on the plan.

Randy Fine, the Republican lawmaker who drafted the law to end Disney’s control over the 25,000-acre Reedy Creek property, said that Chapek’s removal from executive office last week improved the chances that “something will get sorted out” over the district. “It’s easier to shift policy when you don’t have to defend the old policy,” Fine said. “Chapek screwed up, but Bob Iger doesn’t have to own that screw-up.”

Since returning to Disney, Iger has steered clear of criticising Florida for a bill that he had warned would “put vulnerable, young LGBTQ people in jeopardy” when it was introduced in February. Iger’s full-throated opposition to the legislation, dubbed “Don’t Say Gay” by critics, put pressure on Disney to reverse course this spring and come out against the bill after initially refusing to take a stand. The vacillation helped fuel a sense Chapek was struggling to make big calls as CEO. At a town hall meeting with employees on Monday, Iger said he was “sorry to see us get dragged into [the] battle” over Reedy Creek and needed time to “get up to speed” on the issue.

“What I can say [is] the state of Florida has been important to us for a long time and we have been very important to the state of Florida,” Iger said. “That is something I’m extremely mindful of and will articulate if I get the chance.” Iger struck the right tone for reaching a compromise, said an influential figure in Florida state politics. “That was a good olive brand message to Disney employees and the state of Florida,” he said. “It was a diplomatic kind of message.”

Meanwhile, tax officials and lawmakers have warned dissolving Disney’s private government threatens to shift an enormous financial burden to taxpayers and potentially transfer a $1bn debt load to the state. The Reedy Creek legislation was drafted hastily this spring, just as DeSantis began making national headlines for his war on “woke” Disney — an unprecedented attack from a Florida governor on the state’s largest employer. Disney’s economic clout, along with a team of 38 lobbyists, has allowed it to largely get its way in Florida for more than half a century.

Chapek sparked DeSantis’ ire for opposing the education law, which had outraged Disney’s LGBTQ employees at its Florida parks and throughout the company. He also halted Disney’s political contributions in Florida and delayed a plan to relocate thousands of employees to the state. But circumstances in Florida — and inside Disney — have changed since then. Chapek was fired by the Disney board last week and Iger, who ran the company for 15 years and is a known quantity in Florida, is back in the job.

DeSantis handily won re-election as Florida governor in November, catapulting him into frontrunner status for the 2024 Republican presidential nomination. The law passed this spring “is a tax increase,” said Linda Stewart, a Democratic state senator who represents part of Orlando, where Disney World is based. “I don’t think [DeSantis] understood how badly this could go for the state of Florida and the counties and the cities.” She said a potential compromise under discussion would bar Disney from building a nuclear power plant or an airport on the property, rights granted to the company by Florida in 1967 that it is unlikely to use.

More significantly for DeSantis, there is also discussion of allowing the governor to appoint two members to the Reedy Creek board. “These compromises can be done with the least amount of impact,” Stewart said. “We can’t let the governor look like he lost.” The law removing Disney’s special status does not go into effect until next summer, giving the various parties time to negotiate.

A draft compromise bill is already being drawn up by a Republican senator, lawmakers say. “It seems like Disney and the legislature have motivation to make a deal. Nobody wants a train wreck,” said a source involved in Florida politics who asked not to be named. Disney declined to comment.

A spokesperson for DeSantis and Reedy Creek did not respond to a request for comment.
Yeah, this is kind of how I was expecting it to go from the beginning. Either it went back to the way it was or Florida added representatives to the district to make it look like they did something. Either way nothing likely changes for Disney which was the message from RCID back when the dissolution bill was signed.
 
Shifting RCID costs onto Orange County seemed like a twofold way for the FL GOP to "punish" both DIS and their political opponents from Orange County, so I'll actually be genuinely surprised if this new spirit of compromise goes through.

There's been a whole lot of doublespeak from the government on this the whole way through, so it's hard to predict how it'll actually play out.
 
https://www.nbcnews.com/business/bu...s-report-u-turn-disneys-reedy-creek-rcna59803

DeSantis denies report of 'U-Turn' on Disney's special governing district​

Reports emerged that state lawmakers could reconsider their decision to dissolve Disney's Reedy Creek after Bob Iger's return as CEO.
Dec. 2, 2022, 11:09 AM CST
By Rob Wile

Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis denied a report Friday that the state was considering reversing its decision to dissolve Disney's special governing district near Orlando.
In a statement, a spokesperson for DeSantis said the governor "does not make U-turns."

"The governor was right to champion removing the extraordinary benefit given to one company through the Reedy Creek Improvement District," the governor's office said. "We will have an even playing field for businesses in Florida, and the state certainly owes no special favors to one company. Disney’s debts will not fall on the taxpayers of Florida. A plan is in the works and will be released soon."

Earlier Friday, the Financial Times reported Florida lawmakers considered keeping in place the special governing district that encompasses Disney World as Disney CEO Bob Iger returned to lead the company.

In April, Tallahassee legislators voted to dissolve Disney’s 55-year-old special tax district after Disney and former CEO Bob Chapek objected to DeSantis' move to prohibit teaching about sexual orientation or gender identity to students in kindergarten through third grade.

But according to the FT report, state lawmakers are now working on a compromise that would allow Disney to keep the special district in place, with a few modifications.

Iger's return as Disney CEO last month would help pave the way for a resolution, the FT reported.

“It’s easier to shift policy when you don’t have to defend the old policy,” Florida State Rep. Randy Fine, who drafted the bill to dissolve the district, told the FT. “Chapek screwed up, but Bob Iger doesn’t have to own that screw-up.”

Fine could not immediately be reached for comment.

The 25,000-acre Reedy Creek property is a de facto city-within-a-city run by Disney. It allows the company to maintain its own infrastructure, roads, fire department, and water district so that Disney World is not reliant on state and local municipal services. It can also build or make changes to its physical properties without having to be responsive to a local planning board. And it can issue bonds to raise money for improvements.

Disney still pays property taxes and other levies to the jurisdictions in which it sits, including Orange and Osceola counties.

The FT report says Iger told Disney employees Monday that he was “sorry to see us get dragged into [the] battle” over Reedy Creek and needed time to “get up to speed” on the issue.

“What I can say [is] the state of Florida has been important to us for a long time and we have been very important to the state of Florida,” Iger added. “That is something I’m extremely mindful of and will articulate if I get the chance.”

A representative for Disney did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
 
https://www.miamiherald.com/news/politics-government/state-politics/article269527142.html

Friday, December 2, 2022
Key Florida lawmaker says DeSantis won’t back down on Disney. But signs point to truce
By Mary Ellen Klas Herald/Times Tallahassee Bureau December 02, 2022 3:25 PM

The sponsor of the bill to repeal Walt Disney World’s special taxing district denied reports that legislators are planning to “reverse course” and suggested that while a compromise is possible, it could still dramatically dismember the special privileges the company has held for 55 years.

“We’ve been thinking about bills on this since we passed it,’’ said Rep. Randy Fine, the Palm Bay Republican who sponsored the House measure last year to repeal Disney’s special taxing authority after Disney publicly asked for the repeal of Florida’s Parental Rights in Education legislation, known as the “Don’t Say Gay” bill by critics.

The act prohibits the teaching of sexual orientation and gender identity in grades kindergarten to third grade. Fine also denied reports that legislators have drafted a resolution to the standoff. “If there’s some bill coming down the pike, it’s news to me,’’ he said.

He said a report in the Financial Times on Friday – headlined “Florida prepares U-turn on Disney’s ‘Don’t Say Gay’ punishment” – “got ahead of reality.” The article, which quoted Fine and included statements from Disney CEO Bob Iger, was widely amplified by other news organizations. Fine said, however, that Disney’s decision to replace chief executive Bob Chapek with Iger last month, “was a good sign.”

“First, it’s an acknowledgment by Disney that they screwed up — not just on this to be fair, but on lots of things,’’ he said. “And then second, it’s easy to fix.” He said it’s easier for Iger to fix the problem because he was “not the one who caused it” and could “just throw Chapek under the bus for this, as he did with everything else.”

Disney did not publicly lobby against the measure when it was passed by Republican legislators last spring and signed by DeSantis, but some employees marched out of Disney’s California headquarters in protest and urged executives to join with other corporations and condemn the governor.

After Disney published a statement in March demanding that the law be repealed, DeSantis retaliated by expanding the agenda of a special session on redistricting to including dissolving Disney’s special taxing district known as the Reedy Creek Improvement District. The district has served as the governing body for the Walt Disney World Resort since it was created by state lawmakers in 1967.
The district comprises 39 square miles, two cities and land in Orange and Osceola counties and allows the company to act with the same authority and responsibility as a county government. But the swift repeal left some thorny issues unresolved. Reedy Creek told its investors that it would continue to go about business as usual because the repeal broke the law by violating the “pledge” the state made when it first enacted the district.

Then, Fitch Ratings, one of the nation’s leading bond-rating agencies, told the state that if it didn’t resolve a conflict over what happens to the $1 billion in bond debt owed by Reedy Creek, the move could harm the financial standing of other Florida governments. Since then, both sides have attempted to show they are willing to mend fences, but neither is willing to back down. entirely.

Fine conceded that discussions have been underway for some months and options include allowing the debt obligations, tax revenues, assets and responsibilities of Reedy Creek to be transferred to Osceola and Orange counties and the small cities of Lake Buena Vista and Bay Lake. Another option is to reconstitute Reedy Creek but remove its unique power to take over private property under eminent domain laws and to issue government-backed bonds.

“Should a private company be able to issue public debt? No,’’ Fine said. “Should a private company be able to seize other people’s private property without their permission? No.”

On Monday, Iger held a town hall meeting with employees and said he was “sorry to see us dragged into that battle.” He added that although he had “no idea what exactly the ramifications are” of the dissolution of the taxing district, “the state of Florida has been very important to us for a long time, and we have been very important to the state of Florida.” He also said that complaints about Disney’s approach to social issues were unfairly being labeled as political.

“There’s a misperception about what politics is,’’ Iger said. “I think that some of the subjects that have proven to be ‘controversial’ as it relates to Disney have been branded ‘political,’ and I don’t necessarily believe they are. I don’t think when you are telling stories and attempting to be a good citizen of the world that that’s political.”

DeSantis says it’s all on Disney DeSantis, who used the controversy to garner national support among his conservative base, appeared on Fox’s Tucker Carlson show to respond to Iger’s statements. “We didn’t drag them in, Tucker,’’ DeSantis said. “They went in on their own” and “brought this on themselves.” The governor’s office also pushed back on the Financial Times report. After Reuters quoted the story and wrote a headline that said “Florida mulls U-turn on move to strip Disney theme-parks of self-governing status,’’ the governor’s press secretary, Bryan Griffin, countered with a Tweet. “@GovRonDeSantis does not make ‘U-turns,’”

Griffin wrote. “The governor was right to champion removing the extraordinary benefit given to one company through the [Reedy Creek Improvement District]. We will have an even playing field for businesses in Florida, and the state certainly owes no special favors to one company.” Griffin’s deputy, Jeremy Redfern, tweeted the Reuters story with a graphic that read: “Sounds like Disney propaganda but ok.”
 
Not sure why we keep talking about Iger making changes prior to Chapek …even if he did it’s not significant. Chapek ran the ship -Iger was there if for nothing else, to reassure Wall Street. Chapek could have killed anything he didn’t approve of -it’s that simple.
I disagree, because Iger remained on the board for most of Chapek’s tenure. It would’ve in no way been simple for Chapek to separate from or discontinue Iger’s strategies, which WERE the reason Disney stock is in this mess: the expensive purchase of Fox, and the expensive build of Disney+.

When Chapek DID start to correct some of Iger’s poor financial decisions, Chapek got ousted and Iger returned. This proves completely that Chapek was controlled and/or restricted by Iger his entire tenure.

And Disney has rewarded Chapek with a lovely HUGE severance package for serving as Iger’s scapegoat during the pandemic.

Neither is a better “person” than the other, and they both have become filthy FILTHY rich while shareholders are denied any dividends.
https://variety.com/2022/biz/news/disney-bob-chapek-bob-iger-compensation-2021-1235157910/amp/

https://www.hollywoodreporter.com/b...tract-details-chapek-severence-1235266921/amp
 
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I disagree, because Iger remained on the board for most of Chapek’s tenure. It would’ve in no way been simple for Chapek to separate from or discontinue Iger’s strategies, which WERE the reason Disney stock is in this mess: the expensive purchase of Fox, and the expensive build of Disney+.

When Chapek DID start to correct some of Iger’s poor financial decisions, Chapek got ousted and Iger returned. This proves completely that Chapek was controlled and/or restricted by Iger his entire tenure.

And Disney has rewarded Chapek with a lovely HUGE severance package for serving as Iger’s scapegoat during the pandemic.

Neither is a better “person” than the other, and they both have become filthy FILTHY rich while shareholders are denied any dividends.
https://variety.com/2022/biz/news/disney-bob-chapek-bob-iger-compensation-2021-1235157910/amp/

https://www.hollywoodreporter.com/b...tract-details-chapek-severence-1235266921/amp
I don’t want to debate the issue because ultimately everyone is entitled to their own belief. BUT… Iger didn’t remain on the Board to ensure his strategies were implemented, he was there to reassure Wall Street that there would be a smooth transition. The sole purpose of the Board is to look out for shareholders interests, set long-term strategy, and assess management performance. As CEO of a company Disney’s size, Chapek had total control to direct his management in whatever direction he saw fit. It’s ridiculous to assume that anyone at this level would cowtail to a Board -the Board selected this person for the specific purpose of running the company as he/she sees fit. I’ve been fortunate enough to be close with CEO’s of large businesses and presently work for an owner of a private company whose personal worth is in the multi-billions. I have a good idea how these people work -and none that I’ve known well or met would do what you’re assuming …they would rather step down.

Regarding, Iger‘s financially missteps, I can see your point but it’s very short-sighted. In my own personal opinion, the deal with Fox and the development of D+ will reap rewards down the road. Sure, if you look at the balance sheet today it seems backwards -but look at any start-up …they almost all operate in the red for 5-10 years. D+ is 3 years old.

Disney‘s stock is targeted for 20-50% growth over the next 12-months. Now would be a good time to buy! 😉
 
https://www.cnbc.com/2022/12/03/an-...n-as-the-firm-snaps-up-a-stake-in-disney.html

Opinion - Activist Spotlight

An uphill battle could await activist Trian as the firm snaps up a stake in Disney​

Published Sat, Dec 3 20228:40 AM EST
Kenneth Squire@13DMonitor

Company: Walt Disney (DIS)
Business: Disney

is one of the most iconic entertainment companies globally. It operates through two segments, Disney Media and Entertainment Distribution; and Disney Parks, Experiences and Products. Disney engages in film and TV content production and distribution activities, as well as operates television broadcast networks and studios.
Stock Market Value: $181.3 billion ($99.43 per share)

Activist: Trian Fund Management​


Percentage Ownership: n/a
Average Cost: n/a

Activist Commentary: Trian runs a concentrated portfolio of 8 to 10 mid- to mega-cap, publicly traded companies where it actively engages with management with the goal of enhancing long-term shareholder value. Trian, managed by Nelson Peltz, takes very few positions, but is very active in the fund’s positions. Peltz calls his formula “operational activism.” He defines it as working the managements of high-potential but underachieving companies to raise earnings by paring overhead, shedding ancillary businesses, and most of all, burnishing famous brands.

Trian calls itself a “constructivist,” implying a more friendly activist investor. First, let me say I dislike that word for two reasons. For one, it suggests that activists that are being confrontational cannot also be constructive. Second, I don’t think any good activist is a “constructivist” or a “confrontational” activist. How amicable or confrontational an activist is in any given situation depends on many things, most of all the response of the company. Trian, like most activist investors, intends to be friendly and always starts off that way, and then it is up to the company to respond. It is often the company that decides how confrontational a situation might get. GE invited Trian on to the board; Procter & Gamble did not. Trian was not a “constructivist” investor at GE and a “confrontational” investor at Procter & Gamble. The firm is an activist investor, plain and simple.

What’s Happening?​

On Nov. 21, The Wall Street Journal reported that Trian Fund Management took an approximately $800 million stake in Disney. It was also reported that Trian was interested in growing this stake and would likely be acquiring more stock, which is consistent with the size of positions Trian historically takes in mega-cap companies. The investor is reportedly seeking a board seat, advocating for the company to make operational improvements and reduce costs, and it has expressed its opposition to Robert Iger’s reappointment as CEO.

Behind the Scenes​

In this situation, Trian seems to be looking for a board seat and is urging Disney to make operational improvements and reduce costs. This is very similar to what Dan Loeb and Third Point were advocating for at Disney earlier this year. On Sept. 30, Disney reached a deal with Third Point, including adding former Meta executive Carolyn Everson to its board of directors. On Nov.11, Disney announced companywide cost-cutting measures and told division leaders that layoffs are likely. This will include a ban on all but essential work travel and a freeze on new hires for all but a few critical positions. So, a lot of what Trian is looking for – board change (particularly with former CEO Bob Chapek now off the board) and cost reduction – has either already happened or is in the process of happening.

Another thing about Trian is that it’s a very thoughtful investor, known for its detailed, comprehensive white papers. The firm did not go into this without a plan and that plan was far from spontaneous or reactive. It was a plan that Trian has likely developed over many months. And it was presumably thrown for a loop when Disney announced that it replaced Chapek with former CEO, Bob Iger. The fact that Trian had not yet built its full position when its holding was reported is more evidence that the firm felt it had to go public about its investment earlier than it wanted to in reaction to Disney’s announcement. Iger was an extremely respected and value-adding CEO at Disney for many years and the stock has reacted favorably on this news. So, it is interesting that Trian is reportedly opposing Iger’s appointment. Nor is the firm throwing its support behind outgoing CEO Bob Chapek. Knowing Trian and knowing activists as we do, this could mean only one thing: Trian’s plan includes its own idea for a new CEO, something that would have been a lot easier to implement last week before Chapek was replaced by Iger.

This is going to be an uphill battle for Trian. Disney recently reached a deal with activist investor Third Point and is not likely to settle with another activist for a board seat, particularly in light of all of the changes it has already made. Moreover, Trian would likely want Nelson Peltz or Ed Garden to be the firm’s representative on the board and Nelson is already on three public company boards (Unilever, Wendy’s and Madison Square Garden) and Ed is on two (GE and Janus Henderson Group). Disney is definitely in need of serious change, but in the past three months the company has announced a cost-cutting plan, refreshed the board and changed its CEO. It is not unreasonable to see if these initiatives work before considering additional changes. If Disney does not offer a seat to Trian, the firm would have to resort to a proxy fight to gain a seat, which it is unlikely to win on a platform of more change and opposing Bob Iger as CEO. We will definitely know more soon, as Trian has until Dec. 9 to nominate directors for the 2023 annual meeting of shareholders.

Ken Squire is the founder and president of 13D Monitor, an institutional research service on shareholder activism, and he is the founder and portfolio manager of the 13D Activist Fund, a mutual fund that invests in a portfolio of activist 13D investments. Squire is also the creator of the AESG™ investment category, an activist investment style focused on improving ESG practices of portfolio companies.
 
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This guy makes stuff happen.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nelson_Peltz

Nelson Peltz (born June 24, 1942) is an American billionaire businessman and investor. He is a founding partner, together with Peter W. May and Edward P. Garden, of Trian Fund Management, an alternative investment management fund based in New York.[5] He is non-executive chairman of Wendy's Company,[1] Sysco, and The Madison Square Garden Company. He is a former director of H.J. Heinz Company, Mondelēz International,[6] and Ingersoll Rand[7] and a former CEO of Triangle Industries.[8]

https://www.investopedia.com/terms/n/nelson-peltz.asp
 
This is significant news, imo. It happened the same day Chapek was fired, so the it got covered up. Several years ago, I saw what he did at DuPont (DD) and then later at Proctor & Gamble (PG). The stock value of both significantly improved after his involvement.
 
https://www.delawareonline.com/story/money/2016/04/29/duponts-wild-ride/83650956/

A wildly different DuPont a year after Peltz defeat
Jeff Mordock
The News Journal
4/29/2016

DuPont executives outnumbered shareholders at the company's annual meeting Wednesday in New York.

That's a stark contrast from last year's meeting when hundreds descended on its Chestnut Run headquarters to witness then-Chief Executive Officer Ellen Kullman square off against activist investor Nelson Peltz.

In less than a year since DuPont shareholders cheered Kullman's successful efforts to block Peltz and his four nominees from the board of directors, things have taken an unimaginable turn for the chemical giant. Fresh off her proxy victory, Kullman was unceremoniously dumped by the board. In her place, new CEO Ed Breen has slashed the budget by laying off employees, consolidating units and terminating contracts.

In December, Breen outlined what could be the end of the DuPont that has existed for more than two centuries when he announced the Delaware stalwart would be merging with The Dow Chemical Co. to create a $130 billion conglomerate that would later be broken up into three separate companies.

"I've been just stunned, shocked and overwhelmed by what is going on," said former DuPont CEO Edgar Woolard. "I still can't believe it."

How DuPont got here is not entirely clear. Some trace the transformation's origins back to a strategic move made by DuPont during the proxy war.

In the fall of 2014, Peltz, founder of the $11 billion hedge fund Trian Fund Management, launched a very public proxy battle to land four seats on DuPont's board. Peltz said the company was underperforming. He authored a series of white papers vowing to increase DuPont's stock price by slashing between $2 billion and $4 billion from the company's budget and split it into two separate, independent companies.

DuPont, led by Kullman, objected to Peltz's proposals. Both sides waged a bitter, expensive proxy war for the future of DuPont. Several smaller battles were fought between the two parties during the nearly five-month campaign.

One such battle was for the services of two highly-valued executives, Breen, the former Tyco Inc. CEO, and James Gallogly, who previously led LyondellBasell Industries N.V.

Media reports claimed Peltz tried to recruit both to be his nominees for DuPont's board. At an April 2015 investor presentation, Peltz denied he tried to recruit Breen, but claimed he had talked with Gallogly. The activist investor alleged Gallgoly would only agree to join Peltz's side if he was the CEO candidate to replace Kullman. Peltz said he balked at the idea because Trian's method is to work with company leaders, not replace them.

Gallogly denied Peltz's allegations as "simply untrue" in a statement released at that time to The News Journal.

Instead of joining Peltz's team, Breen and Gallogly became the newest members of DuPont's board, replacing two directors who left to join Chemours, an independent company spun out of DuPont's former performance materials unit.

Matt Arnold, an analyst with Edward Jones, called the appointment of the new directors, especially Breen, a huge impetus for change to become reality at DuPont.

"Breen brought a great perspective on what could happen if they did or didn't pursue certain alternatives that were in front them," Arnold said. "He had a strong skillset, based on his Tyco experience, that if you want to break up a company or divest a business he could tell you what you should do or what you should not do."

Woolard said he had no inside knowledge of what happened with DuPont's board, but theorized a similar scenario as Arnold. He said DuPont's directors appeared to be satisfied with the company's performance until Peltz began putting pressure on the board for more action.

"When the [director] election was over, I think the board became much more active with the addition of Breen and Gallogly," he said. "I think they were the catalysts."
 
https://www.yahoo.com/news/nelson-peltz-board-p-g-113037560.html

With Nelson Peltz on the Board, Will P&G Finally Break Up?
Geoff Colvin
November 16, 2017


At the end of Procter & Gamble’s historic annual shareholders’ meeting in October, the climax of the biggest, most expensive proxy fight in corporate history, the two antagonists shook hands. “We’ll talk,” said CEO David Taylor, who thought he had won by a slim margin, though a careful count of paper ballots showed some five weeks later that he’d lost. To which activist investor Nelson Peltz replied, “We’ll talk, but we don’t listen!” (the “we” referring to P&G’s top leaders and directors). Taylor responded, “No, no, no, that’s not true.”

And there we have in microcosm the surprisingly inconclusive outcome of a bitter battle ostensibly over a single board seat, but in reality over the future of one of America’s greatest companies. We know who won the proxy fight, but we have no idea whether Trian Fund Management’s Peltz will succeed in his campaign for major change at P&G. Though his $3.5 billion of company stock gives his views extra heft, as Taylor’s “We’ll talk” indicates, Peltz will be only one director on a board of 11 or 12. The two men’s brief conversation suggests they can’t exchange even a few words without disagreeing fundamentally—reflecting the larger conflict between their sharply different views of P&G’s future. Peltz spent at least $25 million to get himself elected to the board, and P&G spent at least $35 million trying to keep him off. Now they’ll resume their dispute, but with Peltz in the boardroom.

Truth be told, Taylor and Peltz agree on one big thing: P&G needs fixing. They spin it differently. Peltz rails about “P&G’s decade-long history of underperformance.” Taylor sells the upside—that “we’re in a major transformation.” But the underlying reality is that this company has been sputtering for years.

P&G pg isn’t just a business in the doldrums. It’s in a troubling situation we’ve seen before—an aristocrat of American enterprise seemingly past its prime, now facing the profound question of whether it can regain lost glory or continue into a long, slow decline. IBM, General Motors, Sears, and Kodak were at that same turning point about 25 years ago; some would put General Electric in that category today. A comeback isn’t impossible—IBM did it, for a while at least—but history says the odds are heavily against it. David Taylor, 59, and Nelson Peltz, 75, both think they know what needs doing, though their strategies are radically different. All evidence suggests they’ll both remain on this project for a long time to come, maybe several years. So who, if either, can save this company?

Consider the magnitude of the challenge. Since the U.S. economy’s pre-recession peak, P&G stock (including dividends) has badly underperformed the S&P 500. As the whole consumer packaged goods business slows down, P&G, the industry’s biggest player, has been falling behind major competitors—Unilever, Colgate-Palmolive, Henkel, and others. Dozens of major P&G brands, including Gillette, Crest, and Pantene, have been losing market share; all five of its product categories lost significant share in the past fiscal year (ended June 30). Organic growth, a company-calculated measure that strips out the effects of acquisitions, divestitures, and foreign currency translation, was just 2% last fiscal year, and the company forecasts 2% to 3% this year. Those numbers are below most competitors’, and since they aren’t adjusted for inflation, they mean P&G’s actual organic growth is around zero.

The numbers are damning, and nonfinancial indicators are even more ominous. Today’s best young people might never imagine that P&G was once as glamorous an employer as any company in the world. An alumnus, one of many distressed by its slide, recalls, “When I joined, it was the Google, the Amazon, the Goldman of its day. Its message was, ‘We’re the best company in the world. We create the best products, we improve people’s lives, we export great leaders to the whole world.’ It was hard to get into. They crushed you in the interviews. It was just great. They don’t have that edge anymore.”

Data supports the assertion. Back in 1996, P&G was America’s second-most-admired company (after Coca-Cola) in Fortune’s annual survey of corporate leaders, board members, and stock analysts. As recently as 2009, it was the sixth-most-admired company in the world. It has been falling steadily since, today ranking 19th based on a survey conducted before Peltz launched his proxy fight.
Of course most companies would be thrilled to rank 19th among the world’s most admired, to boast a market cap of $220 billion, to be a Dow component. These are the marks of a champion—and that’s a big problem, which can be summarized as follows: P&G is not in crisis. It can, if it succumbs to the temptation, console itself the way declining organizations have always consoled themselves, by focusing on its current state rather than on the trends. It can point to a hundred ways in which it’s doing well with various products in various countries. The fact remains, however, that the company missed most of the targets the board set for top executives in the just-ended three-year performance period. For the next three-year bonus period, the board declared an organic growth target of 2.8% a year, though Taylor has said he expects market growth of 3% to 3.5% a year. That’s barely treading water. As one former P&G executive sums up, “They set a goal to lose market share.”
Charts show P&G net income and revenues by segment

Charts show P&G net income and revenues by segment

Rescuing a big, old incumbent is never easy, but if it’s to be done, the best place to start is with the culture. Inevitably it is first a blessing and eventually a curse. P&G’s titanium-strong culture—rigorous, process-heavy, proud, favoring dedicated lifers—was essential to the company’s success but doesn’t adapt well when the environment changes. It becomes a brake, not an accelerator, in a world of digital disruption and broadly shifting consumer tastes.

P&G claims it recognized the challenge four years ago and has been transforming its culture since then. Taylor vows to turbocharge the change, in part by bringing in more outsiders at high levels. Makes sense, except for a perfect catch-22: The culture has a long history of rejecting outsiders brought in much above entry level—because they don’t understand the culture. P&G has brought in hordes of outsiders over the years through acquisitions, especially its biggest one, Gillette, but few executives remain. “The Proctoids rejected them,” recalls a former exec, using the term for thoroughly acculturated employees. In fact, Peltz says Taylor told him at a meeting last spring that “we cannot bring in outside people at too senior a level or they will fail.” P&G doesn’t deny the quote but says it was taken out of context. A spokesman points to several senior staff executives who have been brought in from outside, though few high-level line managers are outsiders. Overall, P&G says it brought in 200 outsiders above entry level last year, up from 50 a few years ago.

Yet bringing them in below senior levels achieves little. “You don’t change the culture by hiring salespeople,” says Clayton Daley, the company’s CFO from 1998 through 2008, who is now working with Peltz. “The company must hire senior line management from the outside. If your beauty line has been suffering for a decade, why wouldn’t you want to get someone from L’Oréal or Unilever?”

Closely related, and just as important, is the organizational structure, which at P&G has long been impossibly Byzantine, a sprawling matrix of dotted lines that would look like a map of the Tokyo subway if anyone charted the whole thing. For decades, virtually no one below the CEO held full control and responsibility for any profit-and-loss result. And without accountability, performance became less important than blame-shifting. Peltz says it’s still that way, but Taylor says he is thinning “the thicket,” as the near-impenetrable structure is known internally. He has given business unit heads “end-to-end” responsibility for profit and loss, though they still lack full control over spending and marketing decisions. In small markets, teams have “freedom within a framework” to control spending and pricing. Accordingly, Taylor is extending performance bonuses further down into the organization to enforce accountability. That’s progress. Whether it’s enough remains to be seen.

If Taylor can fix the culture and structure, he has a shot at reversing one of P&G’s most vexing problems: the decline of its vaunted innovation machine. The company was long the world’s greatest at the twin skills of creating new consumer products, often after years of scientific research, and then building superpowerful brands under which to market them. The outstanding example is Tide, the first synthetic detergent and the global bestselling detergent by a mile with estimated 2017 sales of over $6 billion.

But breakthrough innovations and new blockbuster brands have been getting rarer. P&G’s last two major hits were the Swiffer line of mops, sweepers, dusters, and related products, and the Febreze brand of household odor eliminators, both introduced in 1998. (Tide Pods, introduced in 2012, have been a highly successful brand extension.) Taylor is responding in part by introducing the “lean innovation” system, which many companies are using enthusiastically. It’s another good idea—if the culture doesn’t reject it.

More broadly, Taylor acknowledges P&G’s problems and says the company is fixing them. Exhibit A in his argument is the stock price. In the two years since he became CEO, P&G stock including dividends has returned 20.4%, not quite matching the S&P 500’s 23%. Middling performance may not seem like much to crow about, but it’s a great deal better than the stock had been doing over the previous two years.

The trouble with this argument is that at least some of the stock’s recent vim is a response to Peltz’s involvement and his reputation as an activist who spurs better performance. The stock price jumped in February when Peltz disclosed his stake, and it jumped even more in June when word leaked that Peltz had nominated himself for the P&G board. The company seems to be getting help from Peltz whether it wants it or not, then citing the stock’s rise in its own defense.

In addition, P&G has been performing financial acrobatics to buoy the stock. The company reported proudly in its latest earnings release that earnings per share from continuing operations had risen a respectable 5.8% in the most recent quarter. But a bit of digging shows that actual earnings from continuing operations hadn’t risen at all. P&G simply bought back a large number of shares, so the per-share number increased. It’s a similar story over the past four quarters: Earnings per share from continuing operations rose 6%, but virtually all of that increase merely reflects a shrunken share count; actual earnings from continuing operations rose just 0.6%.

Increasing EPS in this way does not make the company more valuable. It returns billions of dollars, much of it borrowed, to the shareholders, and the company’s capital structure changes, but that change has no effect on operating performance. There’s nothing improper about any of this. P&G has been buying back stock for many years. But a decade or two ago, when actual annual earnings growth reached 10% or more, buybacks added just a smidgen of extra EPS. Now they’re virtually the only source of increased EPS from continuing operations.

That practice isn’t sustainable, and the company plans to scale it back, saying it expects “core operating profit growth”—not share buybacks—“to be the primary driver of core EPS” this fiscal year. At the same time, it has promised to send even more cash back to shareholders in the form of dividends, to which it is almost religiously devoted. The dividend has been paid annually for 127 years and increased annually for 61 years. “Our first discretionary use of cash is dividend payments,” P&G states in an SEC filing. That’s fine unless it interferes with more productive uses of money, such as the acquisition of innovative new brands, a move that competitors are making and that Peltz advocates. Over the past four quarters, P&G has sent more than 100% of its free cash flow back to shareholders via share buybacks and dividends.

The truth is that Taylor’s transformation plan is incremental, despite the bold language about creating “a profoundly different company.” Like most insider CEOs of great, old companies in need of renovation, he seems concerned about breaking the organization by pushing too hard. That’s understandable, but cultures like P&G’s are astoundingly effective at repelling fundamental change. Peltz’s plan certainly pushes harder, yet it’s restrained, even by comparison with his own proposals at other companies, which have typically been more long-term-oriented than other activists’. He is not suggesting that Taylor be replaced or R&D be cut or debt be taken on.

Some investors argue that neither Taylor nor Peltz understands how troubled P&G really is. They say the only solution is a remedy that activists (including Peltz) have often demanded elsewhere: breaking up the company.

Ali Dibadj, a star analyst at Sanford C. Bernstein who was recently named to Institutional Investor’s All-America Research Team, has been advocating a breakup for over two years. “I think David Taylor is doing his best to change the company,” he says. “Unfortunately, he’s been given a company that should have been changed 10 years ago. I believe breaking up is still the best option for shareholders.”

Strips of Gillette razor blades on the production line in 1936 sit ready to be coated with platinum in the Gillette factory in Rochester, New York.

Big companies argue that they achieve valuable synergies and economies of scale by combining many businesses, but Dibadj says those advantages “appear to be illusory.” Brands that giant companies divest, such as the beauty brands (Clairol, Wella, Covergirl, and others) that P&G sold to Coty last year, do just as well in smaller organizations, he says. “If one does the math on their margins and costs, and compares with smaller competitors, P&G is not more lean. It’s more complex. There are dissynergies of scale for P&G at this point.”

P&G insiders suspect that while Peltz hasn’t called for a breakup, he may secretly favor one. He wants P&G reorganized from 10 global business units into just three “stand-alone” businesses within “a lean holding company.” From that structure to a breakup would be only a small step. A P&G competitor, U.K.-based Reckitt Benckiser, marketer of Lysol, Woolite, and other brands, recently announced it will adopt just such a structure (with two parts rather than three) as of Jan. 1, and analysts speculate the move was a prelude to full separation.

A breakup might well unleash waves of innovation and productivity. But for now, it looks unlikely to happen unless performance gets much worse. That’s a problem regardless of what the best solution for P&G may be, because it supports the slow-decline scenario. Big, successful incumbents rarely flame out when they fail to adapt. More often they stagnate. They change, but not enough. They usually have a strategy for addressing their issues, but it isn’t sufficient, or they can’t execute it. “My biggest fear is that they’ll get organic sales growth back to 3% and will declare victory,” says one alum. P&G insists its ambitions are far greater than that.

At the annual shareholders’ meeting two years ago, a few weeks before Taylor took over as CEO, a shareholder named Karen Meyer asked outgoing P&G chief A.G. Lafley, “What assurance can you give me, the shareholder, that the officers and directors who drove the company bus into the ditch are the ones to get us out?” At this year’s meeting, her husband, Peter, reminded Taylor of that question and then gave his own response to it: “I think the answer has been made abundantly clear by the current data. They can’t.”

That answer may not be correct. Taylor, repeatedly acknowledging the company’s travails of the past several years, assured Meyer that the leaders and directors are utterly committed to outstanding results. And Taylor can succeed even without returning P&G to its full former glory. “I don’t think it can be the Google or Amazon of tomorrow,” says Dibadj. “But it owes it to shareholders to get better.”

Nonetheless, Karen Meyer’s question is undoubtedly the right one, and the answer will become clear in just the next couple of years. Now, when P&G is treading water but not sinking—when the need for change is powerful but not desperate—is when this great institution’s fate is being determined. Procter & Gamble is not in a crisis. We’ll know soon whether it requires one in order to make the needed changes. If it does, it will be too late.
 
Trian Fund getting involved is interesting, Trian would need to more than double their $800million position to break into the top 10 of institutional investors holding dis shares. Trian was in and out of Comcast over the last couple years I believe.

IMO for DeSantis this is just a political game, Disney will need to give up some things like the nuclear power plant, and maybe rename RCID. This would shape the headlines to look like a W for DeSantis. I'm expecting to see lots of news articles saying the complete opposite. CNN will say "Desantis loses battle with Disney" and Fox "Desantis crushes woke company". The headlines write themselves at this point.
 
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