The American Civil Liberties Union is the lead plaintiff in a federal lawsuit requesting that the National Security Agency (NSA) be enjoined from its ongoing violation of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) via its program of telephone surveillance of Americans. Joining the ACLU as plaintiffs are a number of attorneys, scholars, journalists and others who have been adversely affected by the program. The plaintiffs argue that the NSA program violates not only FISA, but also the Constitution's First and Fourth Amendments.
The U.S. Government, through its Department of Justice attorneys, has been desperately trying to get this case -- currently pending in the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Michigan -- dismissed. To this end, DOJ attorneys have invoked the "state secrets privilege" -- claiming, in essence, that the government cannot explain its actions because they involve national security. ....
Because of the increasing use of the "state secrets" privilege, it has been more closely studied in recent years. For example, University of Texas political scientists William Weaver and Robert Pallitto, after reviewing all the reported cases, have concluded that "the state secrets privilege
[is] now [being] judicially mishandled to the detriment of our constitutional system." This mishandling, they contend, is occurring because "the courts have unwisely acquiesced to executive power on this matter."
As one commentator nicely states it, the state secrets privilege was "born with a lie on its lips." When the government says "national security," the federal courts seem to cower. Yet anyone who has worked in this area knows that seldom is nation security truly at stake when the government claims it to be. Typically, the invocation of national security borders on being a hoax.....
When Judge Taylor conducts the July 12 hearing on the Administration's invocation of the "state secrets" privilege as a basis for dismissing the suit, she will face a classic dilemma facing all federal judges who must rule on the "state secrets" privilege: How is the judge able to know whether the government is making a legitimate claim?
The ACLU seems correct that the government's factual admissions here make the case for FISA violation, in particular, rather cut-and-dried, as a legal matter. Accordingly, the invocation of the state secrets privilege appears more a sword than a shield: A method to dispose of the case without litigating the legality of the government's actions.
But the paradox of the state secrets privilege is that the government can invoke it without saying exactly why, and many federal judges -- and, as noted, government attorneys -- have met this invocation with deference, mindful of the constitutional separation of powers.
Such deference, however, has not been earned by the Executive Branch. Solicitor General Griswold was snookered by Defense Department bureaucrats. Government officials admit that not less than half -- if not as much as ninety percent -- of classified information is incorrectly classified. Yet many federal judges follow the line of state secrets cases that are obsequious to the Executive Branch's claims when they relate to national security. They should not. By doing so, they are not truly fulfilling their role as constitutional co-equals of the Executive Branch. They are not checking, nor are they balancing. They are merely abdicating.
Many judges seem to believe that they must abdicate, for they are not competent to make determinations regarding national security matters. The truth is that, in fact, they are probably more competent than the agenda-driven officials within the Executive branch who make such determinations. Judges are experienced at weighing facts and their implications, and they certainly have the power to gather the information necessary. And life-tenured federal judges -- beholden to no one, and in no fear of job repercussions -- are able to be far more impartial than Executive Branch officials can ever be. It is no surprise that Executive Branch officials are grossly overprotective of secrecy; for them, that is the safest course.
Tom Blanton noted in his essay that "judges have many tools at their disposal for inquiring into and testing the government's claims" when invoking the state secrets privilege, including appointing "special masters with expertise and security clearances." (Special Masters may be appointed by federal courts to report back to the court when complex factual matters arise.)
Such a ruling could halt the growing abuse of the "state secrets" privilege by President Bush and Vice-President Cheney -- who have already used this privilege more aggressively than any presidency in history, and recently have only been increasing its use. While precise numbers -- because not all cases are reported -- are hard to come by, a recent study reports that the "Bush administration has invoked the state secrets privilege in 23 cases since 2001." By way of comparison, "between 1953 and 1976, the government invoked the privilege in only four cases."